Circumstances surrounging the retrieval of bodies/remains from Camp Calivigny of those executed: What role did US Graves Registration (GRREG) personnel play in removal of the bodies? Did GRREG team members include Captain Henry Fore? MSG Charles Gerlach? Frank A. Rivero? Were these bodies removed from a pit? Or were these bodies those of serivceman who died when three helicopters crashed during the evening of 27 October assualt on Calivigny Camp? When did any photos first appear in the media? Might there have been multiple body bag removals?
©photo by Francois Lochon of GAMMA/Liaison, 21 November 1983
All the stranger, then, is the presence of one-time CIA operative and international bęte noire Frank Terpil on Grenada right up to the time of the [Coard] coup, when he returned to his haunts in the Middle East.
The above statement was written in a postscript chapter by the late Jonathan Kwitny, former Wall Street Journal reporter, in his book Endless Enemies, p. 411, published in 1984 by Congdon and Weed. Kwitny had no footnotes, sources or references in this book. Frank Terpil is wanted by the U.S. Marshall's office. Terpil jumped bail September, 1980, seemed to travel the world until September 1995 when he landed in Cuba. Is it true that Frank Terpil was on Grenada? Frank Terpil died March 1, 2016 in Havanna, Cuba.
Did Eric Gairy create the conditions that made the rise of the New JEWEL Movement (NJM) possible? Was Gairy the catalyst? Or was revolution in the air, not only in Grenada, but worldwide? Were the young urban intellectuals transformed into Communists by their studies at universities? Was the crisis a matter of changing socio-economic conditions? Answering these questions would be an excellent premise for a dissertation.
Michael Sylvester's broadcast for 'Spotlight,' a Voice of America [VOA] radio broadcast of 12 June 1983 was conducted in the United States by producer/interviewer George Meeker. Where can one obtain a transcript of this broadcast? Apparently both journalist Alister Hughes and The Observer of the Free West Indian had a copy of this transcript.
Who was in charge of seaports and Pearls airport; i.e. exits and entries to Grenada, between 13 March 1979 to 25 October 1983? Was Ochoa in charge? Was the Ministry of Finance in control of the ports? And when?
Would you have comments or leads on the sentence below by Tafari, Rastafari in Transition, footnote No. 50, p. 269? In your experience were the popular forces at first passive, and later active, followers?
"Arguably, this notion of the grassroots people's consciousness being 'underdeveloped' is ultimately the ground on which Meeks makes his erroneous claim that '1979 . . . took the form of a party-led, pre-emptive strike, in which the popular forces were at first passive and later entered the fray enthusiastically, but as followers.'" (Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, Macmillan Caribbean Press Ltd., 1993, p. 144).
Would you have comments or leads on the argument above by Tafari, Rastafari in Transition, footnote No. 50, p. 269? Do you think a supposition about what happened has grown into myth so large that is contradictory to what actually happened? Do you have leads on how to get first-hand information about this from any of the people or groups mentioned below?
"All the evidence-from Maurice Patterson's [sic] two written works, The Future of the Past (Grenada, 1991) and Big Sky/Little Bullet (Grenada, 1992), to interviews with the Budhlalls, the Muslims, the Rastafari and other oral sources—contradicts this class-bound assertion, which unfortunately has been widely accepted outside of Grenada."
Would you have comments or leads on this sentence by Tafari, Rastafari in Transition, footnote No. 50, p. 269? What exactly were the initiatives put forward by the people involved in the River Antoine seizure? How did the usual story about the Coca-Cola seizure buttress any fact that grassroots participation was put down?
"The most convincing effort at debunking the above myth is contained in Patterson [sic] (1992), Chapter 1, but an effective rebuttal of this NJM propaganda lies with the fact of the later revolutionary initiatives put forward by the grassroots cadre (the River Antoine and Coca-Cola seizures). Certainly these were not the actions of 'followers.'"
What if one of the 17 on Richmond Hill [who term themselves 'political prisoners'] were at one point a paid agent of the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), or any other US intelligence agency?
Would any paid agent's or agents' situation not be similar to Emmanuel 'Toto' Constant, head of the Front for the Advancement and Progress of Haiti (FRAPH) from 1991-1995? Constant, who lived for many years in New York and recently was incarcerated for a petty crime, was chief of a Haitian paramilitary group while also, as alleged, a paid agent for the CIA. If true, this is called double-dealing.
NOTE: Acknowledged that one's personal suspicion is the most paranoid of all the suspicions, but there is a saying within journalism circles that "If your Mother says she loves you, check it out.".
If Linda Flohr [and Ken Kurze] flew into Grenada in October 1983, before 25 October 1983, for a 'State Department' assessment, what is the meaning of the fact that Linda Flohr is reported in 2002 in 'The New Yorker' to be a 27-year veteran of the CIA who worked for Oliver North's bullet-proof vest factory? If Oliver North, in his early days' employment with the National Security Council, is rumored to have wanted to fly in to Grenada and get Bishop out of house arrest, what connection might that rumour have with Linda Flohr?
From Seymour Hersh's article "Annals of National Security: The Debate Within" from the March 11, 2002 issue of "The New Yorker":
As of 2002, Linda Flohr, was Director of Security for the Office of Homeland Security and the National Security Council's Director of Counter-Terrorism.
"Downing recently hired Linda Flohr, a twenty-seven-year veteran of the C.I.A.'s clandestine service who, after retiring in 1994—her last assignment was for the top-secret Iraqi Operations Group—went to work for the Rendon Group, a public-relations firm that was retained by the C.I.A. in 1991 to handle press issues related to the Iraqi opposition, including Chalabi and the I.N.C. The firm, headed by John Rendon, who once served as executive director of the Democratic National Committee, was paid close to a hundred million dollars by the C.I.A. over the next five years, according to an I.N.C. official.
Last fall, the Rendon Group was retained by the Defense Department to give advice on how to counter what the government considered to be "disinformation" about the American war effort in Afghanistan. The firm was also retained by the Pentagon's Office of Strategic Influence, which was eliminated last week after the Times reported that it would provide foreign reporters with "news items, possibly even false ones." (Rendon's contract with the Pentagon was not cancelled, however.) Flohr also worked for a private business-it manufactured bulletproof vests-founded by Oliver North, the former marine and Reagan Administration N.S.C. aide who was fired for his role in the Iran-Contra scandal."
How can a copy of Jorge Luna's Granada: La Nueva Joya del Caribe from Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1982 be found translated into English?
Commonsense leads one to ask about the closing financial status of the PRG/RMC in terms of cash and transferable funds during the time right before the US landed. Where is the money? Is there an accounting of funds? Were assets melded into interim government funds? How come few have asked for such an accounting? Or, if such an accounting has been recorded, where can that information be obtained? And, by the way, what was the state of the Gairy Treasury when the PRG took control of the government?
In relation to the Bandeirante twin-engine turbo prop, 18-seater airplane, purchased or leased in late December 1980 from Empresa Brazileira De Aeronatica of Brazil by way of a letter of credit supposedly arranged by Bernard Coard and Selwyn Strachan, what was the purchase cost? Was it $2 million, $8 million? What were the functions of this Bandeirante plane and the Cheyenne? Was the Bandeirante to be part of the proposed Grenada International Airways? If the airplane was a personal gift to Prime Minister Maurice Bishop from a supporting country, what is the story on that? What were the names of the pilots? Were they trained in Brazil? Was the route to be between Trinidad and Barbados and Grenada? Where is that airplane today? What part did Terry Moore and Lyden Ramdhanny have to play in the acquisition of this plane? If it was later sold, when and for how much? Is the information above true?
Is the air flight manifest of passengers from Bishop's return on Saturday, 8 October 1983, available? Who was the pilot of that plane? What are the names of the people in the group in Hungary, or elsewhere in Eastern Europe at that time?
What exactly changed the minds of Geoffrey and Peter Bourne and Charles Modica about the medical students being in danger? How does one explain Peter Bourne's links with Grenada beyond family ties?
Are there transcriptions of the shortwave radio messages from the medical students, or anyone else in Grenada, to the United States during October 1983?
Below is the essence of a series of questions asked on a public forum, SpiceIsle and Spiceislander Talkshop. The first eight were asked by COUNTRYMARXIST. The ninth one asked by HORSE. Questions ten through twelve were asked by ANOTHER CPD. Question thirteen is asked by 2nd LT.
The first thing that puzzle me is, the purging of the original NJM activists and fighters from the revolution.
The second one is, the marijuana issue, when rastas, ganja farmers, right wing politicians and the PRG had confrontation.
The third one is, Bishop never explained to the Grenadian people why OREL Comrades were in charge of the revolution.
The fourth one is, the innocent blood that was shed between the PRG and some old friends of Bishop and Coard.
Fifth one is, how did the revolution split.
Six one is, why Bishop and his followers chose to march up on the fort after he was released from house arrest by the crowd.
Seventh one is, why did the organizers of the march allow school children to be part of such a dangerous confrontation.
Eighth one is, why did the Army kill Bishop and his comrades?
Ninth, what was the NEW PRG government's plan after Bishop's death?
Tenth asks why the Bishop government did not like the Rastas?
Eleventh question rhetorically asked over and over on the Talkshop online discussion group -
why [and how] are former PRA and Coard people now "living high in Uncle Sam country"?
Twelfth is why Bishop could not see through Coard if he was so bright?
Thirteenth is who shot Conrad Mayers?
There was a 4-volume "Captured Documents from Grenada" published first when the U.S. Government was anxious to 'exploit' the found documents. A search reveals the four volumes are only available in the United States at the University of Pittsburgh library. Three bound volumes and a fourth loose leaf bunch of these reproduced documents is available at the University of the West Indies, Marryshow House Memorial Library in St. George's. These initial reproductions include different documents from the one-volume Romerstein "U.S. Grenada Documents." Who got to see what first? How did they get that privilege?
There were tons of documents taken from Grenada by US forces. Surely there were photographs. Where are they?
Where are the files from Eric Gairy's office?
Who will write about the lives of the brothers Trevor and Patrick Emmanuel?
When Malcolm X spoke at the London School of Economics on 15 February 1964, was the young Maurice Bishop in the audience?
Is, or was, there a José Marti Memorial in Grenada in January of 1983?
Is, or was, there a Grenada-related stained glass window at Ft. Bragg, North Carolina?
Is, or was, there a public tribute for Maurice Bishop in Cuba?
Evidently there was a faded graphic portrait of Che Guevara on a wall. Know the location where it was in Grenada? A photograph of this graphic exists. Word is the graphic was in Grenada and drawn by a Grenadian living in New York. A faint photo of a Fort Rupert wall shows an image of Che Guevara. Do you have confirming information?
At a site linking to John Stockwell's The Secret Wars of the CIA of 10 October 1987, Part I includes a short part about Grenada which reads:-
I went to Grenada and established a dialogue with Maurice Bishop and Bernard Cord [sic] and Phyllis Cord [sic], to see - these were all educated people, and experienced people - and they had a theory, they had something they wanted to do, they had rationales and explanation - and I went repeatedly to hear them. And then of course I saw the U.S., the CIA mounting a covert action against them, I saw us orchestrating our plan to invade the country. 19 days before he was killed, I was in Grenada talking to Maurice Bishop about these things, these indicators, the statements in the press by Ronald Reagan, and he and I were both acknowledging that it was almost certain that the U.S. would invade Grenada in the near future.
There's one problem here. Nineteen (19) days before Maurice Bishop was killed on 19 October 1983 was 30 September 1983. Maurice Bishop left for Eastern Europe September 26 and returned October 8th. Was John Stockwell with the group that traveled to Eastern Europe?
The quote above could be a victim of faulty punctuation; i.e. Stockwell could see an invasion plan by the end of September 1983. Stockwell most likely talked about covert action by the U.S. on Grenada with Maurice Bishop.
But, here is an interesting question. What if John Stockwell really was in Grenada the end of September when crucial meetings were taking place in Maurice Bishop's absence? What did Stockwell do there? With whom did he talk? What was John Stockwell's assessment, in detail, of what was happening?
According to Political Bureau Minutes of 1981, John Stockwell wrote a letter to the PRG asking to live in Grenada for six months. It does seem, although not verified at this time, that John Stockwell visited and lived in Grenada.
What was the group "Liberation 77' circa 1982?
Topics for further investigation:
- Arguments for/against Parliamentary Democracy
- Whether 'people's participation' during the Grenada Revolution was real, unreal or somewhere inbetween
- How is private information used, or not used, in relating historical events? Should it be used?
- Compare the policies and their 'socialisic' path of the late Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice Bishop and the past President of Venezuela Hugo Chavez.
- Follow on the insistance of some members of The New Jewel Movement that Grenada's struggle was like the revolutionary struggles in 1776 in the United Stats. Compare and evaluate.
- Reproduced from an internet question - Compare Maurice Bishop with Machiavelli's 'The Prince'.
- Did the concept "banality of evil" apply to what happened 19 October 1983?