Sisters and brothers, comrades:
The events that took place on this very spot, in this very park one year ago, remind me, comrades, of how close so many of us, perhaps a lot of us who are present again, today, came to losing our lives on that day in the cause of building our revolution, in the cause of furthering the progress of our people.
As I stand here today, comrades, and as I look at you, and as I am conscious of the other comrades on the platform sitting here with me, it is a reminder, comrades, that one year ago, our governor-general also sat with us when the bomb went off; and he has had the courage to return today, not terrified or terrorized by imperialism's bomb.
As I stand here, comrades, I remember too, sitting on that platform last year was one of the most outstanding leaders of our revolution, a comrade who over the years has done miracles in transforming, in a serious and meaningful way, the economy of our country, a comrade who has done miracles in helping to strengthen the organization of our party and deepening the unity and consciousness of our people. I remember too, that the comrade, who twelve months ago, whose life was nearly taken, but who has continued, who has remained in the struggle, who is today still giving twenty-six hours a day to building our revolution, our party, and our people. I remember today also that Comrade Bernard Coard is also here with us.
And, comrades, on the platform last year also we had sitting Comrade Unison Whiteman, our outstanding minister of agriculture, a comrade who has known pain and suffering, having been beaten by Gairy's Green Beasts and Mongoose Gang on Bloody Sunday, November 18 ; we also have Comrade Kenrick (sic) Radix, another outstanding son, another outstanding patriot, another fighter and revolutionary whose blood also was shed, who came within a point of losing his life, another comrade who has remained to carry our struggle forward. And sitting with us too, Comrade Vince Noel, another comrade who was there last year, another comrade imperialism's plan was to remove in one blow, to have deprived the country and the working class in particular of its most out-standing leader, but Comrade Vince also survived and is also here.
And, comrades, I say, our minister of health was also present, he too remains to continue the fight for our people, as a minister of our government, with him also and with him also on that day, Comrade Fitzroy Bain, the leader of the rural working class, the leader of the Agricultural and General Workers' Union, a union that is striving to bring justice to the poor and oppressed agricultural workers in our country; and here with us too Comrade Bernard Gittens, another member of our People's Revolutionary Government, and Comrade Sister Phyllis Coard, the out-standing leader of the National Women's Organisation, the leading mass organization of the women in our country.
And on this platform, also, as last year, representatives of fraternal internationalist friends from Cuba, revolutionary Cuba, that stood by us in the first days and the first weeks, that is standing by us today as we struggle to build our international airport, that stood by us only a few weeks ago when our electricity services were in need of urgent help.
Today with us on this platform also is Sister Simon, a leading member of the Airport Development Committee, a woman who has struggled over these past few years in ensuring that the women of our country play a part in raising funds, to ensure that this airport project, this long-impossible dream becomes a reality.
And on the platform too, comrades, we have Comrade Demo Grant, the dean of our party, the dean of our movement, a comrade who from the earliest days of the party in 1973 came and stood by us, became the national chairman of our public meetings, who was listened to by count-less youth in our country who admired the vigor, who admired the firm-ness, who admired the revolutionary spirit of this living national hero, Comrade Demo Grant.
And also on this platform, an outstanding representative of our people in uniform, a comrade who today is guiding and trying to shape the army that we are building, is helping to ensure that our popular armed forces, the People's Revolutionary Army, the People's Revolutionary Militia, the Grenada Police Service, another section of our revolutionary armed forces, are built stronger and stronger every day, in preparation for that day we know is coming, the day when we will have to defend our country, defend our people, defend our process, and defend our revolution. A comrade who is also here on the platform Comrade Einstein Louison, he is also here.
And we know too that today on this platform are women who have lost their loved ones in the cause of our people, in the cause of our struggle, in the cause of making our revolution stronger and stronger. We note today on this platform also is a woman who has known great pain, who has seen her husband taken from her, who has known what is meant when the news comes in the middle of the day that her most-loved one was cut down by a cutlass, felled by a criminal bullet, we note and welcome the presence of my mother, my beloved mother, Mrs. Alimenta Bishop.
But most of all, on the platform today, comrades, I want you to welcome and to acknowledge the love, the appreciation, and gratitude of those who are still alive, of one of our young sisters, a bright young schoolchild, one of the flowers of our revolution, whose sister was cut down by that murderous bomb blast one year ago in this very spot. That young sister who came here because of a consciousness, because of a love for our people, because of a love for our country, because she was determined to stand up and be counted; a young sister who, when she left her mother's home on that day, the last thing that could have been on her young innocent mind was that that day was going to be her last living day. So I want you to join with us, comrades, in welcoming Jackie and her sister, and mother Rita Bailey, three of the survivors of our young hero Bernadette Bailey.
But comrades, even among all of them, even among this outstanding revolutionary leadership I have spoken about, even among these courageous patriots, even among these outstanding Grenadian sons and daughters, we have to ask you to realize today something imperialism thought would never have been possible: that one year after their bomb blast, one year after they hoped that they would have frightened and terrorized us into submission, one year after they hoped they would have demoralized our people, one year after they hoped that we would have been frightened and afraid to come to Queen's Park, I want you to welcome yourselves, the brave revolutionary, fighting people of free Grenada.
Who would ever have believed, who would ever have imagined, two and a half years ago, that a bomb would go off that would send ninety-seven persons into hospital, that would murder three young sisters, and yet, one year after that bomb blast, in the very same spot, not the same size crowd, not a frightened and demoralized people, but a crowd that is bigger than that of 1980. A crowd that is better than 1980's, a crowd that is more united than 1980's, a crowd that is more conscious than 1980's, a crowd that is united in an anti-imperialist spirit of solidarity and defiance. Today we see the real fighting people of revolutionary free Grenada.
Today, as we stand here and look at these people, I recall that only yesterday, at this very time, in St. Kitts, I stood there and I addressed a proud people in St. Kitts, a people who were happy to have a treaty named after them, the Treaty of Basseterre, a treaty to establish the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States. There, I saw a proud and disciplined Caribbean people.
As I stand here, I reflect on the fact that, last year on May Day in revolutionary Cuba I stood in Revolution Square with other comrades and addressed over one million fighting, brave Cuban people, a people who have taken on the imperialist giant on several occasions, a people who have demonstrated concretely their unity and their revolutionary spirit.
Today, I also remember the fighting people in Managua, Nicaragua, the fighting and brave people of Nicaragua who fought against the Somoza tyranny for over fifty years but who came out winning in the end, another strong, another conscious, another united people.
But I say to you today, sisters and brothers, there are no people like you in any part of the world, no people like you, and the reason for that is: When you think in terms of what Grenada is, of where we have come from in these past few years; when you consider the fact that if you stand in a big country like North America and you look on a map, you could not even see the name "Grenada" written; when you consider the total population of our country, just over 100,000 people; when you consider the fact that we have to stand here, today, such a small people, such a poor people, yards away from the mouth of the imperialist giant that not only threatened to crush us, but demonstrated in a hundred concrete ways in these past few months their determination to crush us - I say that never before has history ever seen such a small, such a poor people, such a people who are united, who are courageous, who are as determined, and who are as vigilant as the people of free Grenada are.
Our heroes and martyrs - Fedon, Marryshow, Butler, Alister Strachan, Scotilda Noel, Edith McBain, Jerry Richardson, Rupert Bishop, other heroes and martyrs, Evan [Charles] and [Andy] Courtney and the Stanisclaus brothers, Laurice [Humphrey], Laureen [Phillip], and Bernadette [Bailey] - these martyrs to our cause would be proud today.
Our people today have reason to feel proud and confident. Those who have to be concerned today are not our dead heroes and martyrs, not those who imperialism killed; those people who have to stand and tremble in their boots are imperialism itself and the local counterrevolutionaries and the local reactionaries, the local Committee of Twenty-six.
Let the reactionaries and the imperialists tremble today as they see our people standing here, brave in defense, as they bear in mind today that the farmers could not come, it is banana day, the agricultural workers could not come, it is pay day, and thousands of our people are stranded all around the country.
Today we reflect on all the people, united and vigorous, unafraid to face the odds, a people who are determined to go forward to take their destiny into their own hands, a people who will face the future with full courage and full dignity. Let the imperialists tremble today.
Today, as we get strength and courage from each other, as our vibrations pass through each other, we can say with confidence that if the reactionaries are determined to look for trouble, they are going to get it, that if the parasites and the puppets play with fire, then the fire will burn them.
Comrades, these elements that have chosen, at this particular historic moment, to crawl out from under their beds, to pretend that they are full of vigor and courage, to come out and to pretend, today, after so many dozens of years of exploiting the poor, to pretend, today, that they are conscious of the masses - these elements are using several different covers of pretense to try to confuse the people.
One of the main things that these hypocrites are trying to pretend is that they are involved in a struggle for freedom of the press.
When you hear these elements talk of a free press, when you hear them talk about freedom of the press, you have to ask: Which was the free press that they have ever run, where is that free press that they have ever run? We have to remember, sisters and brothers, that when they speak of a free press, they speak of a press in which their ideas alone dominate, where their exploitative position alone has a monopoly. When they speak of a free press, they speak of the same man or some group of men or companies who run all the newspapers, run all the radio stations, run all the television stations - the same people pretending they are using different voices.
When you think of large countries of this world, you will see that in every other radio and in every other television station and in every other newspaper, they have a hand and they have a voice. When they form an organization like the Caribbean Publishers and Broadcasters Association or the Inter-American Press Association, it is the same small group of exploiters who control the newspapers. These are the same people who run these organizations.
In other words, Pontius Pilate is being called upon to judge Pontius Pilate.
These same elements, when they talk about freedom of the press, mean freedom of the press for themselves, for the small minority they represent, for the exploitative interest that they want to put forward. Their freedom of the press is such that they spend more than nine occasions in one week attacking our country on American television, like that CBS program just four weeks ago, which spent one hour, on nine occasions in one week, attacking us.
When Comrade Radix arrived to reply for our country and revolution, he got only twenty-five seconds' - for freedom of the press - time to reply, twenty-five seconds only.
When these elements think of freedom of the press, we have to remember the number of occasions when we have seen, time and time again, that they carry these nasty, lying, vicious articles about our country. When the Trinidad Guardian chose to say we were training terrorists for use in Trinidad and when we published our denial, Trinidad Guardian was no longer a free press - at that time the reply could not be seen.
We recall occasion after occasion in the Trinidad Express, when all of the major developments of interest in our country are never published by that newspaper. On every occasion possible, they write another editorial; they write another vicious article, full of lies, and they try to confuse our people with that. In the first nine months of the revolution alone, this Trinidad Express wrote over fifteen editorials against our country, every one of them in one form or another was a nasty or not-so-nasty attack on the people and our revolution. That is their freedom of the press.
We remember the Barbadian newspaper, the Beacon, that was going around carrying these articles, saying how our Cuban comrades, the internationalist workers in our country, were in Grenada exploiting our women. They carry these vicious articles, they carry articles that say our Cuban internationalist workers have gone and arrested a magistrate, and, when the facts were sent to the Beacon, that too never got published, because that is what they mean by freedom of the press.
We think of the Jamaican Gleaner and its attacks on our friend, Michael Manley, over his two terms in office - vicious article after article, malice after malice, eventually playing one of the key roles in the overthrow of that government last year in the elections in Jamaica.
We remember today, too, the role played by El Mercurio of Chile, when that newspaper, paid and financed by the CIA, was used to attack Salvador Allende, to bring down the government of Salvador Allende. El Mercurio played a critical role in the collapse of the socialist government of Salvador Allende.
Today we remember too the articles we have seen in Newsweek and in Time magazine. Time comes down here for the second anniversary of our revolution, and they carry a full one-page story on the revolution, and in that one-page story they give the impression that Queen's Park is empty and nobody is listening to the speeches, that by the time the speeches are over half the people are gone home and that the mood of the masses was a dead and demoralized one. They come down to our country, they write their stories on their planes when they are flying down and then even before they spend a good few hours they send their stories back up home, full of the lies. That is what these elements mean by "freedom of the press."
We think of the news reporters, representatives of that exploitative class, and we think of the misrepresentations and the lies. Today we can recall the reporting of Leslie Seon, for example. Last year when the counterrevolutionaries were going around trying to kill our people in St. Patrick's, this man Leslie Seon sent out to the news media in the region a story which said that the country was in civil war, that half of the people were separated and divided from the other half and there were blockages in St. Patrick's. And even when we contacted the Barbados radio station and corrected this statement, we are still waiting today to hear of this correction.
We think of this news reporter, Alister Hughes, a man who has sunk lower and lower over the years, a man who sent out a news report earlier this week, pretending he has been given the news release by the Chamber of Commerce and the Hotel Association, pretending that that news release was just given to him, but it was written up by the Chamber and Hotel Association about six months ago and was never intended for release but meant to be an internal document to be circulated for discus-sion between themselves and the government. This man Hughes takes it and sends it out to the region, pretending that something new has broken and developed. We think of Alister Hughes constantly reporting on the St. George's Medical School.
We think of the fact that, here is a man who prides himself on being a professional journalist, but we can't see him in a rally; you can't see him at a national event; you can't see him when the first cooperative under the land reform is being established; you can't see him on the occasion when it is being announced that our people now have free health care in our country. You can't see this man when any important national events are taking place because, he says, he is too busy and what is taking place is not important.
This is what these parasites mean by a free press. When they speak of a free press, comrades, we are to understand that they talk of rights to have journalistic license, they have the right to publish freely what they want, but this journalistic license simply means the right to print lies, to slander people, the right to incite people to violence, the right to hold one position only and to pretend that position represents the whole truth. That is what they mean by journalistic license. When they speak of independence, we have to ask what independence and independence from whom. We have to recognize it is the same voice with the one idea, that the voice of the people, the voice of the poor working masses, can never get expression in their journal or their publication.
Think of the Torchlight and the role that Torchlight played. It was always a good thing, it was always good news, it was always a free press to expose military camps when they were established, it was always a good thing. It was always excellent news to reprint garbage and rubbish from abroad like the article appearing in a West German magazine - the article which said that we had underground submarines in Grenada. That kind of article is in accordance with freedom of the press. But when the masses are meeting, when the masses are engaged in productive activity, that does not require a free press; that then becomes unimportant news for the class and the interest that they represent. We must never forget the role of the Torchlight with the Rastafarian brethren in our country, a newspaper that over the years consistently attacked the Rastas, called them all kinds of names, attacked Comrade Radix and myself whenever we went to court as lawyers to defend these brethren. Then remember what we saw in September '79, when the Torchlight opportunistically pretended to be a champion of the Rastas, to go around talking how the Rastas were being terrorized and brutalized by the PRG, how they were being killed in the hills and how the time has come for the Rastas to take a response against Babylon. If you could imagine: the Torchlight with that level of deceitfulness and hypocrisy taking that kind of position and playing that kind of role.
But, comrades, what I want you to see today, most of all, is that the enemy we face today is no small enemy, it is not just some jokers who are running the Torchlight, it is not just some parasites who are running what they call the Grenadian Voice. What we are facing today is a much more powerful enemy that has these stooges in their back pockets to do their dirty work for them. What we are facing today, in other words, is the full might of U.S. imperialism. What we are facing is the full fury of the organized CIA, which has made up its mind in the clearest possible way that it is out to overthrow our revolution, and it has told these local elements, these parasites, that they can have the fullest and firmest back-ing of imperialism in their plan to overthrow the revolution. What we must see today, comrades, is that the CIA has a powerful armory of tricks; they have several different fronts, several different covers, several different tricks that they use. One of their best tricks is called propaganda destabilization - when they go around and they spread lies and they slander countries like Grenada, countries which are independent--minded, countries determined to bring justice to their people, countries determined to put through a foreign policy that does not start off from the premise that America is the beginning and the end of the world. They use their propaganda viciously, and they hope by their propaganda to stop the tourists from coming, they hope by that propaganda to get our people confused and to have no confidence. That propaganda trick is one of the best tricks that the CIA has.
A second trick of the CIA - and it is again well documented and well known and we have spoken about it several times - is the trick of economic destabilization, the trick of economic sabotage, of economic oppression, of economic warfare against small, poor, Third World countries like our own. We have seen in Grenada over these past few weeks the evidence of this economic war: the attempt to block the financing from European countries for our international airport; the attempt to block our application to the IMF for the extended fund facility; the attempts by the World Bank to sabotage our projects put forward by the revolution; the attempts to pay to come into our regional institution and to try to isolate the Grenadian revolution and block our sources of funding. We have seen this economic plan and sabotage in Grenada.
We have also seen a third of their famous tricks in our country, another popular trick by the CIA, the trick of counterrevolutionary violence and counterrevolutionary terrorism. The trick they use of finding local counter elements, training them how to make bombs, inspiring them with the confidence to plant bombs, stimulating them with the belief that imperialism will be able to save and to protect them, and then getting these unpatriotic scums to come and plant the bomb amidst our people. We have seen terrorism, we have seen counterrevolutionary violence. We have known of the time when our three sisters were bombed, when our five comrades were murdered in one night in the space of over three hours. We know even now of plans some of these elements have to continue this job of murdering poor innocent people in our country.
The fourth trick that imperialism has is the most important trick to be reminded of today, and this is the trick of identifying and then using local stooges, local opportunists, local parasites, local counterrevolutionaries to do their dirty job for them - and in this category are the local reactionaries and opportunists and counters. They have several different forms and shapes and faces and figures. They don't come simply in black or in brown or in white. They don't simply come in forms of fatness or shortness or roundness; they come in all kinds of shapes and sizes and we have to be conscious of all of the different faces, sizes, colors. One of the things they use most often to do their dirty work for them - and that too we are seeing in Grenada - is the corrupt, opportunist trade union leaders. That is one of the most popular categories of the CIA for counterrevolution. We have seen it in free Grenada, over this past two years: a number of different occasions when they reached some of these corrupt trade union leaderships who received the CIA AIFLD [American Institute for Free Labor Development] course when none was justified. We remember Roberts, who today still has that plan. We remember Eric Pierre, who today still has that plan and that ambition. We know of these corrupt trade union leaders, the elements who have received the CIA AIFLD course, these elements who would sell the cause of the revolution for a mess of pottage, for a drop of porridge, for a piece of crumb off the master's table. These elements who would sell their mother's soul for a shilling if not for a penny-halfpenny. These people who don't even have a price because they are so low and so determined to use unpatriotic and criminal methods to try to terrorize our people, to try to stop the benefits and the progress from coming. We have to be conscious of this important category that the CIA loves to use, the category of corrupt trade union leaders. We have not seen the end of them. We are going to see them in action again in the future of our country.
A second category, comrades, you can broadly regard as being the un-patriotic, reactionary, power-seeking national bourgeoisie in our country: in other words, the biggest men, the biggest exploiters, the biggest parasites, the biggest vampires, the biggest blood-suckers in the country. That is another category that the CIA and imperialism always look for because they recognize that some of the elements of that class fear that they have lost their political power, that they are losing their political hold over the masses, and they are afraid that their economic base - which they have built by exploitation and suffering of our people - they are afraid that that too is disappearing.
Those elements represented by the biggest of the big and the baddest of the bad, of the most unpatriotic scum in our country - that is another category that the CIA and imperialism look after. It is no accident, then, bearing this in mind, that so many of the elements of the Committee of Twenty-six come from the biggest and most unpatriotic landowners in the country, those who are opposed to land reform, those who are op-posed to workers' participation, those who are opposed to the trade union movement, and when Comrade Coard sends them the annual in-come tax statement they get a big accountant to fill up a form, to keep two books for them, to pretend they make no profit, and although they are making no profit, they are getting fatter and fatter and fatter and you see more houses go up, you see more land acquired, and you see more and more cars and luxury items - but they never make profits.
Those elements who oppose our National Importing Board because they see that as bringing too many benefits to the poor in our country, because they are accustomed to bringing in the sugar and ripping off the people, accustomed to bringing in the cement and ripping off the people. But the National Import Board, which keeps prices under manners and ensures that the cost of living stays down - these parasites are opposed to that. These are the same elements who are personally opposed to any form of price control, the elements who are always saying that you can't control in a free market - let the forces of supply and demand do the (regulation. All kinds of pretty phrases to justify their exploitation. These elements who will have before them five or six price slips showing the price of goods from different countries or different companies and you will see in one case the price of an item is $100; in the next case the price of a dozen is $200; another case the price of the same dozen is $500. And they would not bring in the dozen that cost $100 because the mark-up would be too small, so they bring in deliberately and constantly the dozen that cost $500, regardless of the fact that this means 500 times more oppression and more suffering on the backs of our people. These are blood-suckers who have no conscience.
These same elements who oppose every benefit that the poor in our country receive, who are opposed to free health care because they can always send their wife on a plane to Trinidad or Barbados, those who oppose free secondary education because it means that the little Black man's son will have to go to school to rub shoulders with their nice sons and daughters and transfer some kind of brain disease to them. These elements who oppose the reducing of rent on the backs of our people because they own the buildings and they charge the rent, those who oppose free milk distribution in our country because if there is free milk then the Dano and the Nestles and the Nesquick and all the other brands of milk that they bring in will not be able to be sold anymore. So they oppose the free milk also. Those who are afraid of the benefits the masses are now getting because they recognize and recognize correctly, that what they are facing in this land is a people's revolution, a revolution for the poor and working masses of our country.
Comrades, another one of these categories we have to look at which the CIA has always used in different countries is the most reactionary members of the bureaucracy in the civil service. They look for the most backward and corrupt elements - whether in the union leadership or elsewhere working in the service - and see if they can get those to join in their plan of sabotage. We have seen that in our country and we will also see it again. And we look out, too, at another one of the potential allies of the CIA: We look for the big foreign multinational corporations.
Some will stand firm. Some will not allow themselves to be bribed or be used or intimidated by imperialism, but others will go along with imperialism and join in imperialism's dirty plan to overthrow the revolution. We must watch these companies also and over the next few weeks and months as we reflect on the fact of the very small support imperialism has in our country. They cannot go to the broad masses of our working people; they cannot approach the vast majority of the urban working class or of the rural working class, the agricultural workers; they cannot approach the small and middle farmers in our country; they will not be listened to by the vast majority of our revolutionary youth and our patriotic women; they will not be listened to by the vast majority of our students. They have a very small minority clique to choose from. Trying to intensify counterrevolution are the biggest, most unpatriotic landowners, the biggest, most unpatriotic businessmen, the corrupt trade union leaders, those in the public service who are attracted by dollars, who will sell their souls and sabotage their country, those in the country working for the big multinational corporations who might allow themselves to be used, the lumpen and the criminal elements in our country, those who want to become millionaires overnight, those who want to use marijuana to become marijuana capitalists. Those lumpen and criminal elements are the few, few elements imperialism has to work among.
In a fighting population of over 100,000 people, you are talking of less than a few hundred people total that imperialism can hope to reach and to induce and to seduce. And we have to recognize, comrades, that it is not a big lot, that it is not a lot we are looking for; it is a tiny minority who choose to go the way of counterrevolution. But they must under-stand the price of counterrevolution, they must understand that.
We could see as part of this plan, in the next few weeks, moving out from this newspaper that they are hiding behind - the Grenadian Voice, as they call it, so bold and fresh and mannish to themselves: the voice of our people, not the ligaroo voice, not the voice of the big bourgeois, not the voice of imperialism or the CIA voice. If they had said any of these, then we could have accepted it, but they so fresh and rude, they say the Grenadian Voice. Look at the Grenadian voice right here. But, apart from the first stage of a press, apart from that you will see other developments in the next few weeks.
You might see them try to graduate from the free press to a political organization, a political party; you might see them form a human rights organization; you might see them try to come through a Chamber of Commerce and try to put out some damaging statement; you might see them use their economic base to try to get shortages or to lay off people or to try to close down businesses. You might see them try to use the banks in a particular way. These are all kinds of tricks that are possible, all stages, all elements on the total road to the overthrow of the Grenadian revolution. You might hear Eric Pierre say how he was victimized; you might hear him say how he was picked up and detained and how papers were taken from him. You are to expect all kinds of additional tricks, used to try to back up the action that they have taken because it is but a small part of a total which imperialism has drawn up for those jokers, has put the commas and the full stops and the colons and the semicolons, has underlined the areas to watch, has put the brackets around the important things, and has promised these Judases that if they sell their souls, if they sell their country and their birthright that, in return, they will be backed and blessed by imperialism, that the mighty Yankees will make sure that they are all right. This is the nature of the promise that has been made, and imperialism has sat down very carefully and explained to these people exactly how they hope to achieve the over-throw of our revolution.
Imperialism has reminded them of the stepped-up propaganda. Imperialism has reminded them of the economic squeeze on our country, of the World Bank maneuvers, of the IMF stopping of our funds for our international airport, of the plans to refuse to support our regional institutions. Imperialism would have given them a lot of confidence.
We have seen the propaganda attempts of the United States through the CBS television. Imperialism will also have told them of their plans of violence. It would have reminded them that mercenaries are being trained right now in Miami and that TV stations are saying that those mercenaries are for Grenada and Nicaragua. Imperialism would have reminded them of how they taught counters to make bombs to kill our people. It would have reminded them of the job they did in Chile of the job they did in Guatemala in '64, of the Dominican Republic in 1965, in Jamaica in the '70s. Imperialism would have reminded them of the number of revolutions they have overthrown in the world, and imperialism would have promised them full financial backing, and would have promised them arms, would have promised them men, would have promised them full support if any part of the plan backfired as they went along. Imperialism would have drawn up a complete package for them and given them in their hands. And, therefore, a few weeks ago, when Comrade Radix was in the United States and spoke with the men in charge of Caribbean affairs in the American State Department, a man called Ward was able to tell Comrade Radix that in a few weeks' time a new newspaper will come out in Grenada. This man, working in the American government in the State Department, as head of the Caribbean section, was able to tell Comrade Radix when a new newspaper would go out because he knew that already CIA agents in the region had spoken to these puppets in Grenada and prepared and trained them for this newspaper they were to launch.
Two and a half weeks ago, a man who is head of the American embassy in Barbados, a man called Ashley Wills, the chief of the CIA station there, he too came to Grenada and met with Comrade Louison, he met Comrade Kamau McBarnette, he met comrades in the Ministry of External Affairs, he met comrades in the Ministry of Information and to these comrades he pointed out that the only way in which relations between Grenada and America will improve, the only way they would accept our ambassador to their country, the only way in which we can build new relations is if we meet three conditions. They have the nerve to lay down three conditions for us.
The first condition was, call your elections right away; the second condition was, free all the detainees now or charge them; and the third condition was, break your close ties with Cuba. [Shouts of No! No!] They gave us three conditions and in turn we gave them thirteen conditions - condition for condition, we matched every one of them.
The plan of the CIA is to overthrow the revolution in Grenada. The elements they are using are elements like Tillman Thomas and Lloyd Noel, Alister Hughes and Eric Pierre, and other elements like them in this Committee of Twenty-six. The other elements they are using are elements like the "Cold Chicken" - Leslie Pierre, the "peeping Tom" who liked to lift dresses for stolen goods. These elements have been given a plan and this plan has stages.
Stage one was the newspaper.
Stage two, as they analyze it, is when the paper closes down, because they know that we would not allow a counterrevolutionary newspaper. And stage three in the plan was that after the paper was closed down, they use regional and international propaganda against the country and pretend that it is about freedom of the press. Then they were going to try to get a strike going in our country and we know for a fact that even today Eric Pierre and one of them were trying to ignite dock workers to take strike action, even today as I am speaking to you.
We know that the fifth plan that they have is to try to squeeze the economy. We know that this plan can take many different forms and we are going to be looking out for every single one of these forms and every single time we find a single form being implemented, we are going to crush it and confiscate the form.
We have to understand, comrades, that this plan that we are seeing now, the first element of which is this newspaper, is a different plan to all that went before, because this is not the type of plan in which local counters, local opportunists are being used, this is not the kind of plan where the ganja capitalists who are in the employment of the CIA are being used. To understand this plan fully you have to do a piece of magic in your heads, you have to forget the names of the twenty-six and instead of those twenty-six names, you write one single word, you write CIA. That is how you are going to understand this plan. Don't get confused by these twenty-six political prostitutes, don't let them confuse us. To understand this plan, rub out the names on the paper you might have and just write one word: CIA. That is the name of the plan. It is not the Committee of Twenty-six. It is the CIA. This is not about freedom of the press, it is about overthrowing the Grenadian revolution. This is not a harmless accident, it is a willful stage in a plan. This is not a question of legality or illegality, it is a question of using legality as a red herring to try to pretend that the question is legalization, if legality is about the law. We reject the bourgeois concept in trying to define the law, we reject the meaning the bourgeoisie put to the question of press freedom. We say that - in this country today, in this popular people's revolution - the time of the masses having come, the ideas of the masses must predominate. In counterrevolution under press cover, we reject the fact that it is a legal paper. We say no: The paper is illegal.
It is illegal for five reasons.
The first reason is that they used their own procedure when they tried to create their newspaper company law. That is a legalistic reason, we gave it to them so they can be happy with it. They used the wrong procedure - they must fire Lloyd Noel next time and get a real lawyer.
The second reason is that when the Torchlight was closed down the general of the revolution, the Commander of the Revolution Comrade Austin went on the radio and warned these elements that they must not put out a newspaper again until further notice. They have violated the voice of the revolution.
The third reason is that - when, in their second attempt, the Catholic Focus was closed down, for the same illegal reasons - we warned them that they must not put out any more papers trying to use illegal means under the Newspaper Act.
The fourth reason is, we have warned them on several occasions that they will have to wait until a media code, a media policy for newspapers, is formulated and implemented before they can bring out any newspaper, and they refused to listen.
And the fifth and most important reason of all: This is a revolution, we live in a revolutionary Grenada, this is a revolutionary condition, and there is a revolutionary legality, and they will have to abide by the laws of the revolution.
When the revolution speaks, it must be heard, listened to. Whatever the revolution decrees, it must be obeyed; when the revolution commands, it must be carried out; when the revolution talks, no parasite must bark in their corner. The voice of the masses must be listened to, their rules must be obeyed, their ideas must receive priority, their needs must be addressed; when the masses speak, they must be heard. When the revolution orders, it must be obeyed. The revolution must be respected.
They are going to have to respect this revolution, because this is a people's revolution and those who won't listen are going to have to feel those who want to take counterrevolutionary action, those who want to link up with the CIA, those who want to overthrow the revolution are going to have to learn that the revolution is here to stay. They have to learn that this revolution will not turn over and will not be overturned. We are going to be there fighting. The revolution is the people and the people are the revolution. They are going to understand that counterrevolutionary activity will be met by revolutionary action, they are going to learn that counterrevolutionary violence is going to be met by revolutionary manners. They are going to understand that all counterrevolutionary plots, plans, and schemes will be crushed by revolutionary firmness, revolutionary manners as the comrades say. Manners, revolutionary manners. A people united can never be defeated. If you play with fire, fire will bum you; if you touch the revolution, power is going to break your backs. Don't touch the revo. It is too strong, it is too powerful.
It is one thing when a local counterrevolutionary acts on his own, it is one thing when a local counterrevolutionary tries to make a grab for dollars for personal gain, it is one thing when a local counterrevolutionary is seeking his own benefits. All that is bad enough. But it is another thing when a local counter, like a political Judas, openly and unashamedly links up with the CIA to try to overthrow our revolution.
It is another thing when local counters allow themselves to be used by those people, those political pimps, those political opportunists, those political servants, those political Judases, those parasites, those political foot soldiers of imperialism; those political parasites will not be allowed to stand in the way of the people's revolution of revolutionary free Grenada.
If it is America they love so much, they could go to America. If it is America they love so much, they could instruct the passport office to remain open twenty-four hours a day so that they can fill up as many forms as they want to, as long as they want, so that they can go and join the CIA where they are. [Applause] These people are going to have to understand that this revolution must be respected, so this afternoon, comrades, we have passed another law to keep them happy.
Under this law which was passed this afternoon, it is again made clear in the kind of form they like, that no newspaper is to be printed for the period of the next year until a media policy is formulated. They have that in law. [Applause] But today you must also understand, coming from our people in Queen's Park on this Heroes' Day, that if they attempt any political industrial strike that is not justified, we are going to manners the strike. [Applause] If they come with any terrorism, we are going to manners the terrorists, and those who are paying them are going to get manners. [Applause] If they come with any economic sabotage, any time they try, any time they close down as a means of pressuring the revolution, that is going to be the last time they close that door.
The masses are going to have to get together and discuss the situation. The masses will have to communicate to us through your mass organizations and your groups what your feeling is on this situation, what ideas you have, what you want us to do. We want to hear from the masses, we want the involvement of the masses in this next stage. We feel it very important for our people to be directly involved in deciding what is the best kind of manners to use against those who are insisting on counterrevolutionary behavior.
Counterrevolution will not be allowed. Counterrevolution will not be tolerated. It does not matter who is involved. Whoever and whatever i involved, we are going to put them under firm revolutionary manners
Long live the fighting people of free revolutionary Grenada
Long live the people of the Caribbean!
Long live the people of the Third World!
Long live Heroes' Day!
Long live the memory of our martyrs!
Long live the fighting unity of our people!
Long live the revolutionary spirit of our workers, our farmers, our youth, our women!
Long live free Grenada!
Long live the Grenada revolution!
Forward ever, backward never!
A people united can never be defeated!